The COVID-19 pandemic changed our world and is impacting our lives, our communities, and our economies.
To help end the COVID-19 pandemic, ONE has launched the #StandTogether Essay & Artwork Competition for Africans aged from 13 to 35 years to share their ideas about how we can work together to defeat the COVID-19 pandemic.
Finalists for the Essay competition will be selected by a panel and winners of Artwork Competition by public voting.
Winners will receive:
a 13 inch 2020 Macbook Pro or 2020 Ipad Pro 12.9 inch (winner will be given the option to choose one) a bag of ONE Merchandise a virtual meet up with one of the artists featured on the ONE #StandTogether Anthem. The educational institution of award winners (who are students) will be presented with an Apple iMac retina 4k computer.
The Top five essays and artwork will be profiled on ONE's blog and social media channels.
All finalists will also win a bag of ONE merchandise each
Until 1956, the British government in cooperation and agreement with the Egyptian government had administered Southern Sudan and Northern Sudan as separate regions under international sovereignty. The First Sudanese Civil War was a twelve-year conflict between the northern and southern regions of Sudan between 1955 and 1972. Before they were separated, Northern and Southern Sudan were merged into a single administrative region after political pressure from Northern Sudan. This act was taken without agreement with minority southern leaders, who feared being colligated by the political power of the Northern elites in the colonial political structure.
In addition, the British colonial administration favored the Northern elites during the process of decolonizing them, granting them a majority share of political power during the transition to independence. After becoming independent from colonial rule in 1956, the ethnic and domestic tensions against Southern Sudan further increased during their reconstruction. There were national concerns of political inequalities, economic development and insufficient organizations that remained unknown to the international community but attacked Sudan internally. Also, the northern government replaced the jurisdiction of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) by committing discriminatory violence against the southern minorities under the cover of internal turmoil of democratic growth in Sudan.
Before the outbreak of the civil war, the representative of Northern Sudan had two constant interpretations of the things that led to its outbreak.
Many attributed such hostilities to be the remains of the South’s grievances against the British colonial administration, while others viewed it to be the Southern rebels who attempted to challenge their ruling government.
Therefore, the traditional northern representatives did not admit the voiced anger and rising rebels to have been attributed to their own governance but rather it was a rationalization of the South’s integration of Christianity and modernity.
The Southern populace also viewed the emergence of the civil war to be unnecessary.
Following the subjection of the region of Sudan, the Southern representatives were powerless within the realms of politics and the established government.
The Southern politicians were not capable of addressing the injustice against their population because of the minimal influence and support they had within the government.
Since the establishment of British colonial rule, the Southern Sudanese were introduced and joined to the principles of Western thought. They interpreted the concepts from Christianity and the Western ideals by merging them into their own culture.
Aside from being limited in politics, being compelled by the Northern government and the cultural restriction in achieving progress were critical factors towards to the onrush of the war.
On the 18th August, 1955, members of the British-administered Sudan Defence Force Equatorial Corps rebelled in Torit. The immediate causes of the rebellion were a trial of a southern member of the national assembly and an allegedly false telegram pushing the northern administrators in the South to bully the Southerners.
The rebels were restrained, though survivors fled the towns and began uncoordinated revolts in rural areas.
Poorly armed and unorganized, they were little threat to the newly formed Sudanese government.
The rebels gradually developed into a secessionist movement composed of the 1955 rebels and southern students. These groups formed the Anyanya guerrilla army. Starting from Equatoria, between 1963 and 1969, Anyanya spread throughout the other two southern provinces which were Upper Nile and Bahr al Ghazal and provided heavy pressure on the Northern army’s ability to properly strategize.
The separatist movement was dismissed by internal ethnic divisions between the “Nilotic” and “Equatorian” groups. However, the government was unable to take advantage of the rebels weaknesses because of their own incompatibilities and volatility. The first independent government of Sudan, led by Prime Minister Ismail al-Azhari, was quickly replaced by a temporary stalemated union of various conservative forces, which was in turn overthrown in the coup d’état of Chief of Staff Brigadier Ibrahim Abboud in 1958.
The anger at the military government built up. On the evening of October 20th 1964, a raid by security forces on a seminar on “the Problem of the Southern Sudan” at the University of Khartoum sparked off nationwide objections and a general strike. Abboud yielded to the massive scale of civil disobedience by creating a provisional government in October 1964. These events became widely known as the “October 1964 Revolution” of Sudan.
These protests included the first appearance of Islamist Hassan al-Turabi, who was then the leader of the students. Between 1966 and 1969, a series of Islamist-dominated administrations proved unable to deal with the variety of ethnic, economic and conflict problems causing pain to the country. After a second military coup on 25th May 1969, Col. Gaafar Nimeiry became Prime Minister and immediately forbid political parties. During that time, the Anyanya rebel group took advantage of the unstable situations which helped them to send their leaders and continue their operations abroad.
In-fighting between Marxist and non-Marxist groups in the ruling military class led to another coup in July 1971 and a short-lived administration by the Sudanese Communist Party before anti-Communist factions put Nimeiry back in control of the country.
That same year, German national Rolf Steiner, who had been consistently advising the rebels, was captured in Kampala, Uganda and deported to Khartoum, where he was put on trial for his anti-government activities. He was then sentenced to death. He served three years in prison before being released following pressure from the West German Government.
The South was first led by Aggrey Jaden; he left the movement in 1969 due to internal political conflicts.
In the same year Gordon Muortat Mayen was elected based on agreement as the new leader of the South. Southern Sudan changed their name to the Nile Republic during that time and resumed warfare against Khartoum, however some of the former leaders of Jaden’s troops would not accept a Dinka leader and fought against the Anyanya.
In 1971, former army lieutenant Joseph Lagu formed a successful coup d’état against Gordon Muortat with help from Israel, who supported him. In doing so, the defected Equatorian commander was able to unite these independent troops to fight under his Southern Sudan Liberation Movement (SSLM). This was the first time in the history of the warfare that a separatist movement had a united command structure with the mutual objective to agree and build an independent state.
It was also the first organization that were able to speak for, and negotiate on behalf of, the entire south when the war ended.
Mediation between the World Council of Churches (WCC) and the All Africa Conference of Churches (AACC), both of which spent years building up trust with the two fighters, eventually led to the Addis Ababa Agreement of March 1972 which marked the end of the first civil war.
Accra, Nov 26, GNA – Mr Pierre Laporte, World Bank Country Director in Ghana, has reiterated the Bank’s support to the reform agenda of Ghana’s public enterprises.
He said the Bank was currently in discussions with relevant stakeholders for a potential programme-for-results to be submitted for approval next year, adding that the programme, among many other important Public Financial Management (PFM) issues, aimed at supporting the State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) sector.
Mr Laporte said this on Monday at the signing ceremony of the 2021 Performance Contract signing between the State Interests and Governance Authority (SIGA) and 71 State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), Joint Venture Capitals (JVCs) and other state entities in Accra.
President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo was the special guest of honour at the event.
Mr Laporte said: “We are exploring different activities to be taken and expect key results in areas such as SOE performance evaluation reports, State Ownership Reports, and control on net transfers to SOEs.”
He said the World Bank was also preparing another programme-for-results in the energy sector whose key focus areas include improvement of Electricity Company of Ghana (ECG) performance and corporate governance.
“Given the high contribution of the energy sector to the Ghanaian economy, this is expected to serve as a catalyst for improving financial conditions in the SOEs sector.”
He said the COVID-19 pandemic had changed lives, saying “it has been affecting billions of people across the world for the last year and a half”
Mr Laporte said, he had the utmost respect for the leaders and employees of SOEs which had managed to and continue to successfully deliver critical services in key economic sectors in the Ghanaian economy such as energy, transport, and health during “these difficult times”.
He noted that without them, the battle against the virus would had been more difficult.
“The pandemic has also left a scar on the fiscal situation in Ghana. Growth slowed to 0.4 percent in 2020 and public debt rose to 79 percent of GDP,” Mr Laporte said.
“While Ghana has been outstanding in containing the pandemic and supporting the economy, and an economic recovery is underway, there are fiscal challenges ahead of us.”
He said he was pleased to see that in the 2021 budget, the Government had made a commitment to gradual medium-term fiscal adjustment that would see a decline in public debt starting in 2024.
He said under such circumstances, performances of SOEs need to be enhanced now more than ever to stop the need for the government’s regular interventions and financial support, and in turn protect the government’s ownership interests.
Mr Laporte welcomed the preparation of the State Ownership Policy which highlighted the Government’s commitment to achieving public policy objectives and goals while acknowledging the profitability requirement as fundamental.
He intimated that SIGA, since its establishment had been a key institution in overseeing the State’s interests in specified entities, and ensuring shareholder value, financial sustainability, and good corporate governance.
“The World Bank is very honoured to be part of that important process through the Economic Management Strengthening Project (GEMS).”
Mr Laporte said the Project allocated $5.25 million for improving the governance of SOEs, through which the establishment of SIGA was supported.
He said in addition to the establishment of SIGA, the Project had supported the consolidation of the state’s ownership role through an equity study and was supporting the corporate governance improvements.
He lauded the Government and SIGA, in particular, for recognizing the World Bank as an important partner in the endeavour to streamline the operations of public enterprises and ensure efficient delivery on their mandates.
Mr Laporte said, he looked forward to future engagements with the Government in assisting the SOEs sector which was vital to the Ghanaian economy.
Mr Joseph Cudjoe, Minister of Public Enterprises, said there was the need to put in place a Legislative Instrument (LI) for the operationalisation of the SIGA Act.
Mr Stephen Asamoah-Boateng, Director-General, SIGA, said efforts to actualise the SIGA Act had not been very smooth however, from last year, a lot had been achieved, especially judging by the number of state entities now taking part in the performance contract signing agreement.
He said most of the sector ministers had been very supportive and that a total of 71 state entities took part in the 2021 performance contract signing.
Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, was arrested in June and brought back to Nigeria from an undisclosed country to face trial, said Minister of Justice Abubakar Malami. Kanu is due to appear in court next month.
Kanu is facing trial for “terrorism, treasonable felony, managing an unlawful society, publication of defamatory matter, illegal possession of firearms and improper importation of goods, among others.” Kanu fled Nigeria in 2017.
Kanu’s movement calls for an independent state of Biafra to be carved out of southeast Nigeria, a region inhabited by the Igbo people who are Nigeria’s third-largest ethnic group.
Kanu is pushing for a separate republic of Biafra, nearly 50 years after a previous declaration of independence sparked a civil war.
The 1967-70 conflict left more than a million people dead, most of them from starvation and disease, as the Igbo nation was blockaded into submission.
A similar movement for a state of Biafra to secede from Nigeria that was headed by another Igbo leader, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, led to Nigeria’s civil war in the late 1960s, during which more than 1 million ethnic Igbos were killed, many of them through starvation.
The Igbos, who are mainly Christians, say they are marginalized by Nigeria’s federal government, especially when mainly Muslim Fulani candidates are elected. Nigeria’s more than 200 million people are almost evenly divided between Christians and Muslims.
In May, a large contingent of troops and police were deployed to eastern Nigeria to quell growing renewed agitation for a state of Biafra.
President Muhammadu Buhari, a Fulani, caused outrage earlier this month when he posted a tweet that seemed to threaten violence against the Igbos. The Nigerian president referred to the loss of lives and destruction that resulted from the Biafra civil war and threatened to treat the current agitators for an independent state in “the language they will understand.”
Twitter deleted the president’s post saying it violated its rules against language promoting violence. The Nigerian government responded by banning Twitter in the country. The government is also accusing Twitter of allowing Kanu to use its platform to engage in subversive activities.
The lawyer for the Biafra movement, Ifeanyi Ejiofor, confirmed Kanu’s arrest and his extradition. Ejiofor has asked authorities to give Kanu a fair trial in line with “his constitutionally protected right.”
Who is Nnamdi Kanu?
Nnamdi Kanu is the founder of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), who had fled the country in 2017 but took credit for a growing separatist sentiment in the south-east.
Nnamdi Kanu formed the IPOB in 2012 to voice concerns for the indigenous people of Biafra.
The Nigerian government later called it a terrorist group and even went ahead to ban its activities.
The main aim of IPOB is to break the South Eastern region of Nigeria to form its own civil state.
He escaped Nigeria in 2017 after he was released on bail
By 2020 Nnamdi Kanu formed the Eastern Security Network [ESN].
ESN was formed to provide internal security against herders invasion of farmlands for the Igbo-speaking south-eastern region of Nigeria.
In 2009, Kanu started a local radio station that vigorously campaigned for the independent state of Igbo-speaking people.